Coca Corn Viewing Both Sides Of Its Environmental Impact...

Jaime Lopez Bio 490-Senior Project Term Paper 4/17/2016 GM Corn: Viewing both sides of its Environmental Impact For hundreds of years, we as a species have been growing crops and cross pollenating crops to create new gene types to feed millions of people in the world. With the population soaring in the 20th Century resources will be exploited and the amount of food available will not meet the standards of many individuals (Connor et al., 2003; Phipps and Park, 2002). Crop growers are facing challenges in terms of finding productive lands, growing nutritional crops, and finding an alternative to reducing pesticide usage (Phipps and Park, 2002). Scientists and crop growers are looking into GMO technology to help with the ongoing challenges they are currently facing (Phipps and Park, 2002). Introducing this new technology hasn’t really gone well with the public because there is still concerns in what are the effects towards the environment and health safety (Somerville, 2000). The main crops that have been genetically modified are soybean, maize, cotton and oilseed rape (Phipps and Park, 2002). GM crops have shown positive results in pest and disease resistance, crop yield increases, reduction in pesticides, and environmental and nutritional improvements (Connor et al. 2003; Phipps and Park, 2002). However, activists view GMO’s to be dangerous to the environment and public health (Somerville, 2000). 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Markets Price And Non Price Economics Essay Free Essays

An agreement made where purchasers and Sellerss come in close contact with each other straight or indirectly to sell or purchase goods and services. Categorization of Markets Market Characterisitcs Market TYPE NO.OF Buyers NO. We will write a custom essay sample on Markets Price And Non Price Economics Essay or any similar topic only for you Order Now OF Firms Entry Conditionss Market power Demand snap Merchandise Differentiation Net income maximastion status Pricing Power Perfect competition Many purchasers Many Sellerss Free None Absolutely elastic Homogeneous P=MR=MC=AR=Min AC Monetary value Taker Monopolistic competition Many purchasers Many Sellerss Free Limited Relatively elastic Close Substitutes with differentitated merchandises MC=MR To the extent of their merchandises Oligopoly competition Many purchasers Few Restricted Some Relatively elastic Close replacements, differentiated or homogeneous merchandises MC go throughing through discontinuous MR Uncertain Duopoly competition Many purchasers Two Restricted Divided Relatively elastic Very near replacements – _ Monopoly competition Many purchasers One Restricted Full moon Relatively inelastic No replacements MC=MR Monetary value Maker Monetary value and Non-Price Competition: non monetary value competion may be describe as the selling scheme under which the peculiar house tires to diffrentitate its merchandise from the competitiors merchandise this distinguish is done by the designor workmenship. It can be besides distinguish merchandise by offereing through quality service, client attending, distribustion scheme and other promotional activity. Where as the monetary value competion is refered to when the houses attempts to separate its productfrom the rival by maintaining the monetary value of the merchandise lower than the competitiors one. Now a yearss more houses are engaged with the non monetary value competion though it is really expensive in nature the ground behind that it is more profitable than selling the goods at lower monetary value and avoid the hazards of monetary value war. By and large in oligopoly markets and monopolistic markets are utilizing the non monetary value scheme because in this competions the houses becomes extermely competent with each other. Central of the non monetary value competion is merchandise diffrentiation. Hence the characteristics of merchandise diffrentiation are: Technical criterions Quality criterions Design characteristics Service characteristics Merchandise diffrentiation as the footing of set uping a down ward falling demand curve. This were introduced by the SRAFFA.but the chamberlin suggested that the demand is non merely determined by the pricind scheme of the house but besides by the manner of the merchandise and the services associated with them.he introduces two policy variables ; which are merchandise itself and selling activities. Individual house is incorporated with this dimensions therefore, the demand curve will switch if: The manner, servicesor the merchandising scheme of the house alterations Rivals change their monetary value, end product and servicesor merchandising policies Tastes incomes, pricesor selling policies of merchandise from the other industry alteration Non monetary value competition: Non monetary value competition is applicable to all types of markets except than the monopoly and perfect competition: Perfect competition: exclusion because the in this state of affairs he all merchandise are homogeneous in nature Monopoly: exclusion because the individual marketer is the accountant of Te market so no 1 at that place for the non monetary value competitio Non monetary value determiners of demand: non monetary value deteminants can be described as the any attempt made by the house to prolong in the market to gain the net income and to increse their demand in the market. Following are the some non monetary value determiners of the demand, Tastes and prefrences Income Monetary values of sustitutes Number of purchasers Future outlooks of purchasers Financing footings. As the determiners of demand are of import in the monopolistic market we besides should give equal importance to the determiners of the supply in the non monetary value competition Factor inputs alterations Production technique Change in no of Sellerss in the market Expectation of future alterations in monetary value Advantages of the non monetary value competition ; Consumers gets low monetary values Manufacturers and providers are going more displine in natureto cust down the monetary values. New betterments in engineering Enormous betterment in the quqlity or service Imformation for the consumers leting people to do more informed pick Price snap of the demand: Responsiveness on the snap of the measure demanded of a good or service to a alteration in its monetary value.it gives the per centum alteration in the measure demanded in responses to the 1 % alteration in the monetary value. Price competion is applicable in all types of markets except so perfect competion and monopoly competion. Perfect competion: exclusion because in perfect competion the houses are monetary value takers the monetary value is non decided by the house it is accepted. Monopoly competition: exclusion because in this state of affairs there is a individual marketer in the market who is the decider of the monetary value hence it is non applicable. Price snap of demand with reapect to the markets Perfect competition: in the the perfect competion the elasticiy of edmand is prefectly elastic in nature because all the merchandises availble in this market are homogeneous in the nature. As the homogeneous merchandises are perfect replacement for each other the market becomes extremely recative in nature. monopolistic market: snap of demand is comparatively elastic In nature as the stopping point substitues are availble in the market this substitues are availble with the small diffrention. Oligopoly market: oligopoly market is some how combination of the perfect competition and monopolistic market so the snap of the demand the comparatively high in nature as the all merchandises are homogeneous in nature and they are utility for each other. Duopoly market: in he duopoly market there are merely two Sellerss in the markets with regard to many purchasers. The snap is comparatively elastic because in this state of affairs there are really close substitues are availble for the merchandise. Monopoly market: in this market the snap is comparatively inelastic nature as there is merely one goad the reactivity of the demand for a good to alter in the monetary value of anthoer good.it is measured as the per centum alteration in demand for the first good that occurs in reactivity to % alteration in monetary value or 2nd good. Cross monetary value snap of the perfect competion with regard to replacements: the reactivity of the demand for a good to alter in the monetary value of anthoer good.it is measured as the per centum alteration in demand for the first good that occurs in reactivity to % alteration in monetary value or 2nd good. Cross monetary value snap of the perfect competion with regard to replacements: ucer in the market so the manufacturer is holding the full market poer in the custodies. there is no sustitute availble in the market. Cross monetary value snap of demand with the availble substitues: Cross monetary value snap: the reactivity of the demand for a good to alter in the monetary value of anthoer good.it is measured as the per centum alteration in demand for the first good that occurs in reactivity to % alteration in monetary value or 2nd good. Cross monetary value snap of the perfect competion with regard to replacements: Perfect competiton: the high monetary value cross snap can be seen in this market as the manufacturer Is monetary value taker and non the monetary value shaper. More over that the merchandises are homogeneous in nature which are replacement for each other. Monopolistic competition: there are figure of manufacturers are at that place in the market.du to the high competition the manufacturers are willing to do more market portion so the cross monetary value snap is comparatively high in nature. Oligopoly competition: in this market the cross monetary value snap do issues because in this market. As the replacements are availble in the market with the homogenity or merchandise diffrention. Duopoly competition: there are merely two manufacturers are availble in the markets there are really close replacement for each other and because of this cross monetary value snap is low. Monopoly competition: there is merely one manufacturer in the market and no replacement is availble so there is no inquiry of cross monetary value snap. How to cite Markets Price And Non Price Economics Essay, Essay examples

Blue

Blue-and-White Islamic Pottery on Chinese Themes Essay The great traditions ol Chinese porcelain have inspired over the centuries a wide variety of imitators. At times in the history of art an imitative tradition, beginning as a backward look toward past glories in faraway lands, takes its own (orm and shape, developing into a major creative force with new directions. Such is in part the case in the Ottoman Turkish tow n of Izmk, where the local potters began beiore the year 1500 to produce pottery wares inspired by Chinese blue-and-white porcelain, whir h also began to appear itself in the inventories of the palace of the Ottoman Sultan in Istanbul around the same time. To imitate porcelain, let alone the great Chinese porcelain, has always been an arduous task. Some o( the basic materials can rarely be found outside China. The techniques necessary to fire these materials to a point where they fuse, giving the glasslike smoothness, the translucency, the pure white color, and the characteristic ring of true porcelain present a complex ch allenge today. Tor the Turkish potters of the sixteenth century the challenge was even greater. Their solution to the difficulty was to develop an off-white claylike mixture contain- ing a high percentage of silica, which they coated with a thin layer of pure white slip. They covered the slip and its painted decoration with a clear transparent glaze in order to provide a porcelainlike visual effect in their work. |ust as Chinese artisans in earlier times had imitated Islamic pottery and metalwork in the medium of blue-and-white porcclam. by the early sixteenth century, artisans in the Ottoman Empire were beginning to imitate Chinese porcelains in the medium of pottery.1 Perhaps the most interesting aspect of this phenomenon is the appearance of the mottvslkm to imitate Chinese porcelain in Ottoman Turkey. It now appears that this motivation is closely linked to the symbolic value of Chinese porcelain in the Islamic world, not the symbolism of its complex and vaned decorative forms but its symbol- ism as Chinese porcelain, highly prized in the Middle East because of its beauty, rarity, and cost. Further, by the time that the Ottoman Turkish sultans had begun to collect Chinese porcelain in the late fifteenth century, the tradition linking blue-and- white porcelain to Islamic royally was over a century old and was widely illustrated in Islamic miniature pointings. To examine both the blue-and-white pottery tradition and its relationships to Chinese porcelain, the collections ol the Boston Museum of Fine Arts provide an excellent vantage point. Not only arc the museums holdings in Chinese white quite good, but it possesses eight examples of Islamic blue- and-white pottery related to the Chinese traditions. Evidence for the examination of this problem falls into two basic categories. First arc the imitative works of art themselves, which occur in considerable numbers in the Turkish pottery tradition and in smaller numbers in the sixteenth century pottery of Persia. Second arc the documents; these include Chinese porcelains in the Turkish and Persian collections, inventories doc umenting the growth of these col lections, and the appearance of Chinese porcelains in Islamic miniature painting Together, this evidence presents Ð ¿Ã ¾Ã‚ » only a picture of the tremendous prestige that the Chinese porcelains en|oyed in the Islamic world but also a picture of how they were perceived and modified by Islamic artists and artisans who saw them. The appearance of blue-and-white porcelain in miniature paintings presents a large and diffuse mass of evidence.2 The earliest and one of the richest sources in this respect is a manuscript of the Divan (collection of narrative* poems » by Khwaiu Kirmam, a fourteenth century Persian poet, in the British Museum . The man uscript was completed in the late fourteenth century in Baghdad for a Persian ruler of the Jalayrid family and was illustrated with nine miniatures by a remarkable painter named lunayd. lunayd appears to have been extremely sensitive both to the romantic stories illustrated and to the contemporary appurtenances of courtly luxury that fill many of the illustrations. Consequently, together with the accurate depiction of rugs, costumes, and architectural decoration in the illustrations, Junayd shows nu merous examples of blue-and-white porcelain from China, which he probably en countered at the (alayrid court. The early date, corresponding to A.D. 13%. of the miniature s in the British Museum Divan is important in two ways. First, it indicates   thal despite the unstable state ol politics in Iran at the time, there was already a thriving import ol Chinese porcelains by Islamic courts before 1400. Second, the paintings of lunayd and his followers exerted an enormous influence on Persian painting of the following century, and the depiclion of Chinese porcelain in con nection with princely entertainments became an established tradition in Persian painting. By the first half of the sixteenth century, new dimensions were added in Persian miniature painting to the depiction of blue-and-white porcelains. Not only did Chinese porcelains continue to embellish scenes of courtly entertainments but they were sometimes seen in considerably less prestigious contexts. In a famous minia ture in the Fogg Museum, originally Intended as an illustration for a manuscript com missioned by the Safavid Shah Tahmasp around 1540, the painter Mir Sayyid ‘Ali shows a large blue-and-white Ming bowl being put to rather prosaic use, as a recep taclc for wrung-out laundry in a nomad encampment . Comparatively rare depiction o( the expensive Ming ware outside the context of a courtty feast suggests a s ort of visual joke. The sophisticated courtiers who saw the painting were no doubt amused by the depiction of the relative simplicity and naivete of their wealthy but uncultured nomadic cousins who would put such an expensive objeci to such a homely use. In the Ottoman court, examples of the use of porcelain in a courtly context were preserved in large albums of paintings from earlier times, which were used by the court artists as pattern books and sources of designs and inspiration. In these albums appear a number of paintings showing Chinese porcelains.1 They dearly document the importance of the Chinese porcelains in an Islamic context and were Intended for a limited group of upper-class viewers, for whom the objects depicted had an im mediate familiarity and significance. The inventory documents of the Ottoman Turkish archives tell another interesting story. An inventory of 1486 made for Sultan Bayezid II (1480-1504) mentions no Chi nese porcelain. But in 1495 the palace inventory in Istanbul lists five pieces of porc e lain. and by 1501 the collection had grown to include eleven pieces, including five bowls and two plates. By 1505, a year after the death of Bayezid. the collection In cluded twenty-one pieces, and In 1514 it was augmented by sixty-two pieces brought back by Selim I after his defeat of the Persian Shah Ismail at Chaldiran and the sack of the Persian capital at Tabriz.4 Under Suleyman I, Selim’s successor (1520-1566). the collection grew steadily. Documents attest to the Sultans growing collection of por celain and also record that near the end of his life a return to the stricter tenets of Islamic orthodoxy was accompanied by the melting down of his gold tableware and the exclusive use of ceramic wares. Today, two of the largest collections of Chinese porcelain in the world outside of China itself are that in the T opkapi Palace Museum in Istanbul and the collection formerly housed in the Safavid family shrine in Ardebil and now in Tehran. In both Turkey and Persia ruling sovereigns commissioned spe cial buildings to house their porcelain collections. In Istanbul achim khaneh (China house) was built in the mid-sixteenth century, while the great collection of the Ardebil shrine in Iran was dedicated in its special building by Shah ‘Abbas the Great in 1611.1 This evidence alone attests to the prestige and populanty of Chinese ceramics among Islamic sovereigns in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. Under such cir cumstances, it was perhaps inevitable that the costly and prized Chinese ceramics should have a great impact on indigenous Islamic pottery traditions. In the case of the famous Ottoman Turkish ceramics, now generally recognized as having been made tor the most part by the many individualized and specialized ateliers of the town of Iznik, the Chinese impact ranges all the way from outright copies of Chinese prototypes to Turkish stylizations of Chinese designs in which the origins are only dimly apparent through examination of progressive stages in the transmutation of the original. Contemporary central mexican ceramics : A view from the past EssayIn a Turkish lamp dating from the fifteen eighties m the Walters Art Gallery in Baltimore, the flower and the cloud band seen on the Boston plate have been transformed through the artists imagina tion into a tiny garlanded lions head, with the tongue becoming the snout of the lion and two large round eyes added for good measure. The Boston plate shown in even further removed Irom any resemblance to Chinese porcelain, shows   a tour-lobed central field decorated by four small cartouches each containing three tiny flowers. The backgrounds of the cartouches and the spandrels forming the (our lobes are filled with perfunctory curls doubtless deriving from the wave-and-foam border in its Ottoman incarnation. The abbreviated rim design of curling leaves on a scroll vine is on the other hand an almost direct quotation from early fifteenth cen tury Chinese porcelain. In each of these cases, the blue-and-white Ottoman potte ry plate Is now far removed from its Chinese inspiration and has taken on a character of its own. The first plate   with its great attention to texture in the flowers, probably dares from the middle of Ihe sixteenth century, while the second , exhibiting far (ess relationship to Chinese porcelain, probably dates from around the year 1600. A final example of blue-and-white Ottoman pottery reflecting inspiration of Chinese porcelain   differs from the six Boston examples seen to this point in that it incorporates a black line in the design in addition to the use of blue pigments. The fourfold design uses a variant of the tongued flower already encountered, this time in very pale blue outlined with a crisp greenish black line, and embraced by its own stem and by a spiky leaf. The greenish tinge in the black line, the great brilliance of the transparent overglaze, and the similarity in drawing to two famous mosque lamps in British collections datable to around 1550 help to place this remote Turkish relative of Chinese porcelain close to the middle of the sixteenth century * The last part of the sixth decade of the sixteenth century saw in Turkey the intro duction of a new color, a bright red. into the repertoire ot the Iznik ceramic-makers. The new polychrome palette, later enhanced by a brilliant green, was influential in moving Turkish potters away from a reliance on the inspiration of Chinese porcelain into a new stylistic vocabulary of brightly colored tulips, carnations, hyacinths, roses, and experimental forms derived from textiles and manuscript illumination A brilliant example of the new style in the Museum of Fine Arts shows a decoration of sprays of the stylized flowers dominated by a large blue decorated tulip. But a vestige of homage to Chinese porcelain remains in the cusped edge of the plate, a testimony to the persistence of old influences in the face of new styles and a change in taste. In the seventeenth century, the Iznik ateliers underwent a marked decline, caused in part by the deterioration of quality resulting (rom mass production and in part by royal decrees requiring them to sell ceramic tiles at low prices despite a dramatic inflation in the cost of production. A late example from the middle of the seventeenth century in the Museum of Fine Arts still shows the remarkable persistence of the inspiration of Chinese porcelain in the iznik workshops. The plate is deco rated almost entirely with a black line, with only tiny accents of green, turquoise, and a now muddy red. It it dominated by what appears to be a large stylized leaf and some smaller leaves and tendrils, shown on a background of black spirals and contained within a corrupted version ot the wave-and-foam border. In fact, this otherwise undistinguished object is an extremely stylized paraphrase of an early fifteenth century Ming porcelain design, in which a dragon is portrayed in reserve while against a stormy sea. The dragon has disappeared from the Boston plate, his craggy outlines metamorphosed into leaves and tendrils, but some sense  of the fury and energy of the Chinese design remains in the late Turkish product with its compass-drawn lines, poor colors, and flawed glaze. One last example of Islamic pottery under the influence of Chinese porcelain brings us back full circle to direct imitation of a Chinese design. The Museum of Fine Arts recently acquired a large blue-and-white pottery dish   that at first glance would appear to belong with the very first Turkish plate cxamind. The decoration consists of three large underglaze-painted peony blossoms in cobalt blue, executed again with very soft brush strokes and with skillful attention to the effect of thinning of the blue pigments to translucency over the white slip. These large blossoms are accompanied by smaller blossoms and spiky leaves. Beyond the cavetto of the dish with its frieze of tiny leaves and flowers is a border that, despite the absence of whorls, or perhaps because of it, immediately declares itself as the familiar border of waves and foam. In common with the blue-and-white pottery ex amined thus far, blue underglaze painting is employed on a white slip, on a body of off-white silicaceous material. Unlike the Turkish examples already seen, however, the glaze is relatively dull and is marked in many places by an irregular craquclurc; the interior of the foot-ring is unglazed Stylistically, the softness of the forms and the relatively light outlining of the leaves and petals show a different kind of adaptation of Ihe Chinese design from that of Iznik, and the bottom of the cavetto is decorated with a carelessly executed frieze of hooked forms not found on Turkish examples. This last example is in fact not of Turkish production but comes from northern Persia. The porcelain prototypes for this type of design have been dated to the early fifteenth century, and it appears that the Boston plate may be dated to around the year 1500. forming part of an extremely rare group of Persian wares probably pro duced in the neighborhood of Tabnz about this time. » It is rather surprising, given the fondness for porcelain evidenced in Persian miniature painting, that more wares of this type have not been found. Perhaps the technical means present in the Otto man Empire that enabled the Turkish potters to create very close reproductions of Chinese porcelain by the second quarter of the sixteenth century were lacking, and the imitations were not deemed of sufficient likeness to the original to be worth the effort. The same tradition did reproduce some attractive blue-and-white pottery in Persia, most notably a large dish in a private collection with a design of birds and cloud bands within a stylized wave-and-foam border, but the patronage necessary for a continued and expanded production was lacking, possibly due to the greater availability in Ð  Ã µÃ ³Ã' Ã ° in the early sixteenth century of the blue-and-white porcelain Itself. The eight examples of blue-and-white ware examined here illustrate only part of one chapter in the continuing imp act of Chinese artistic traditions on Islamic pottery making over many centuries, beginning with the import of Tang ceramics into the lands of the ‘Abbasid caliphate in the ninth century A.D. and persisting into the first decades of our own century in the ceramic manufactories of Istanbul and Tehran. Rather than terming these Islamic works cither copies or derivatives of Chinese originals, perhaps we might best regard them as compliments paid by Near Eastern artisans and patrons to a sister culture to the east.